Anthropic Is Monitoring People Who Protest Against AI. And “Anti-AI Activist” Is Not One Thing. There Are Four.
There are at least four movements that disagree with one another, and the largest one does not even talk about superintelligence. It talks about electricity bills and water. Grouping them all under the same label is what makes it possible to treat them under the same threat protocol.
The American Prospect spoke with senior Anthropic security employees and compared their accounts with the company’s job postings to understand the scale of what is being built: a monitoring apparatus designed to track dissidents and anticipate protests.
According to the report, the term used internally describes a pre-crime approach.
And a quote from the security operations manager is explicit about the objective: moving from a reactive information-gathering posture to a proactive, predictive, and preventive approach to threat management.
Before deciding whether that is reasonable, it is worth answering a question that almost none of the coverage has addressed.
Who exactly is being monitored, and what are these people actually against?
There Is No Single “Anti-AI Activist.” There Are Four, and They Fight Among Themselves
This is the information that changes how the entire story should be read.
1. The pause movement, which fears extinction.
These are the most visible and the most misunderstood. Groups such as PauseAI and Stop AI.
What they want is specific and, interestingly, relatively modest: for the leaders of major AI labs to publicly commit to pausing the development of frontier models, provided their competitors do the same. It is a conditional pause, not a ban.
Their argument is that systems capable of automating their own research and improving themselves pose an extinction risk.
On March 21, 2026, they marched from Anthropic’s office in San Francisco to OpenAI and xAI. On July 11, around 400 people walked from OpenAI headquarters, past Anthropic, to Google DeepMind. One activist went on hunger strike outside Anthropic. In February 2025, three Stop AI protesters were arrested for blocking the doors of OpenAI.
The two groups, incidentally, split over disagreements about tactics. Stop AI accepts civil disobedience that involves breaking the law, while PauseAI explicitly rejects it.
Keep one irony in mind for later: this group’s central argument is almost identical to what the AI labs themselves publicly say about existential risk.
2. The labor and authorship movement.
Unions, writers, illustrators, voice actors, musicians, translators. They are not opposed to the technology itself.
What they want is compensation and consent for the use of their work in training, as well as protection against being replaced without negotiation. Their dispute is contractual and labor-related, and it takes place in courtrooms and collective bargaining negotiations, not on the sidewalk.
3. The algorithmic justice movement.
Researchers and organizations working on algorithmic discrimination, facial recognition, surveillance, and automated decision-making involving benefits, credit, and employment.
And here is the detail almost nobody knows: this group is openly in conflict with group 1.
For years, they have argued that talking about hypothetical future extinction diverts attention and funding away from harms that are happening now, are measurable, and are already affecting people.
In other words, two of the largest so-called “anti-AI movements” consider each other part of the problem.
4. The neighborhood movement, and this is the largest of them all.
Residents organizing against data centers.
And the numbers are striking.
According to Data Center Watch, the number of active opposition groups more than doubled within a few months, rising from 396 at the end of 2025 to 833 across 49 U.S. states by March 2026.
These groups blocked or delayed at least 75 projects worth around $130 billion in the first quarter of 2026 alone. From January 2024 through May 2026, 46 projects were halted across 20 states, totaling close to $170 billion.
And more than 300 bills related to the issue were introduced in state legislatures during just the first six weeks of 2026.
The main complaint from these residents is not philosophical.
It is the lack of transparency about who owns the project, how much electricity it will consume, and how much water it will use.
These people are not against artificial intelligence. Most of them have probably never read a single line about superintelligence.
They are against having their electricity bills increase and their groundwater compromised by a warehouse that creates few permanent jobs.
Why the Label Matters More Than It Seems
Now put the four groups together and look at what they have in common.
Practically nothing.
One wants a pause because of extinction risk. Another wants compensation for copyright. Another wants facial recognition systems that wrongfully arrest people to stop being used. And another wants to know how much water a data center will consume.
They disagree about the diagnosis, the tactics, and the priorities. Two of the groups accuse each other of making the problem worse.
Calling all of them “anti-AI activists” is not an innocent journalistic shortcut.
It is a political act, and it has practical consequences.
Because once there is a single label, there can also be a single protocol.
And then the neighborhood association that scheduled a public meeting about water consumption enters the same detection system as the person who threatened an executive.
The tool does not make the distinction.
The category does that work, and someone chose the category.
What the Company Is Building, and Where I Think It Has a Point
Now for the technical side, fairly considered.
According to the report, Anthropic uses risk-detection services, including a company called Samdesk, to anticipate events.
The example given by Anthropic’s own security managers is this: a protest was moved one hour earlier because of an issue with a police permit, and the system provided roughly 60 minutes of advance warning that organizers had changed the time. As a result, executives leaving meetings did not unexpectedly find themselves in the middle of the demonstration.
I need to be clear: this is ordinary corporate security.
Large companies have monitored risks around events outside their premises for decades. Banks do it. Mining companies do it. Retailers do it on days when protests are expected.
Anticipating a schedule change for a publicly announced demonstration is not espionage.
And there is a genuine context of personal threats. According to news reports, there has been an attack against the president of one of the industry’s major companies.
Protecting executives from violence is legitimate and should hardly need to be said.
So perimeter security is not what concerns me.
It is the word predictive.
The Problem Was Never Monitoring a Protest. It Is What “Preventive” Means in Practice
Reactive security responds to an event.
Predictive security acts on the probability of an event.
The difference sounds technical.
It is entirely political.
To predict something, you need leading indicators.
Leading indicators of a protest include public conversations on social media, calls to organize, histories of participation, connections between people, and the language they use.
In other words, prediction requires monitoring people who have not done anything yet.
And, as we have seen, “people” in this context includes four completely different groups, at least one of which consists of local residents discussing environmental permits at municipal hearings.
When you build an infrastructure for anticipation, you create silent pressure to feed it.
A detection system needs targets. An intelligence team needs reports.
And the line between “a group that might cause operational disruption” and “a group that publicly disagrees with us” is drawn by someone inside the company, with no external oversight.
You do not need to assume bad faith to see the problem.
You only need to look at the incentive.
The Case of the Report Without the Records, Which Is the Most Serious Detail
This is where I cannot defend the company.
In August, according to the San Francisco Standard, Anthropic reported a San Francisco man to the police after he told Claude that he had a rifle and had the company’s president in his sights.
Reporting that is appropriate.
A specific death threat against an identifiable person is not protected private conversation. It is a police matter, and any company should report it.
The problem came afterward.
The company refused to provide the conversation records to the police.
Think about what that creates.
A person becomes the subject of police contact initiated by a corporate report, while the authorities are unable to examine the evidence that prompted the report.
The police cannot assess the context, tone, irony, or whether there was a genuine risk.
And the public cannot evaluate whether the report was proportionate.
Either the conversation justified contacting law enforcement, in which case it should be provided through the appropriate legal process, with a court order if necessary, or it did not justify contacting law enforcement, in which case the report should not have been made.
The middle ground, reporting someone while withholding the evidence, is the worst of both worlds.
The citizen bears the cost, while there is no accountability.
And it creates a precedent that matters to everyone who uses these systems: the company reads what you write, decides on its own what constitutes a threat, contacts the state, and shows nobody the evidence on which that decision was based.
The Irony Nobody in the Industry Wants to Confront
Now for what I find most revealing about this entire story.
For three years, the leading AI labs have built their reputations by publicly saying they are creating technology with the potential to cause civilization-scale harm.
The CEOs of these companies have signed letters warning about extinction risk. They have published documents describing dangerous behavior in their own models.
It has been remarkably effective marketing. AI may be the only industry in the world where warning people about the danger of your own product can increase the company’s value.
Group 1 on this list, the pause movement, simply believed them.
They read the documents, took them seriously, and went out onto the sidewalk to demand exactly what the executives themselves said would be prudent.
And now they are being classified as threats to be predicted.
You cannot spend three years saying “this could end humanity” and then treat the people who took you seriously as a security problem.
Either the risk is real, in which case protest is the expected civic response.
Or the risk was marketing, in which case that is a very different, and much less noble, conversation.
In Brazil, This Will Arrive Through the Data Center Door
Here, the warning is concrete and has a timeline.
With Redata approved and a wave of data center construction heading to Brazil, group 4 on this list, the residents, will emerge in Brazil.
That is not a bold prediction. It is what happened across 49 U.S. states in eighteen months.
It will begin in a small municipality, with a public hearing about water use and electricity connections, and it will grow if information about consumption is not disclosed.
And then comes the Brazilian question.
In Brazil, corporate monitoring of activists is not a distant hypothetical. There has already been a notorious case involving the creation of dossiers on public servants because of their political positions, a practice blocked by the Federal Supreme Court in 2020.
The practice has a history in the country.
From a legal perspective, systematically monitoring identifiable individuals constitutes the processing of personal data and falls under Brazil’s LGPD, even when the information comes from public social media.
That requires a legal basis, a specific purpose, and transparency.
What we do not have is robust enforcement of these requirements, or a strong culture of demanding them.
No Brazilian company today publicly reports how many people it monitors, according to what criteria, how long the data is retained, and who has access to it.
If predictive security infrastructure arrives alongside the data centers, and it will, this is the moment to ask these questions.
Not afterward.
End-of-the-World Spoiler™
What this story reveals is not that a technology company is a villain.
It reveals something more structural and much harder to solve.
An industry concentrating capital, energy, and political influence at record speed will face opposition.
That is normal.
It happened with railroads, oil, mining, and telecommunications.
What is new is that this industry, by its very nature, possesses the most powerful infrastructure for analyzing human behavior ever built.
And much of the opposition to it organizes precisely in the digital spaces these companies know how to read better than anyone else.
No industry before this one has had the ability to anticipate its critics at scale.
And the question that remains, for me, is very simple to formulate and uncomfortable to answer.
If a company builds a system to predict when people will protest against it, is it protecting itself from violence, or protecting itself from criticism?
Both use exactly the same technology.
Only one is acceptable.
Three questions:
Who decides, inside the company, whether a group represents a security threat or simply public disagreement, and to whom is that person accountable?
If a private conversation justifies contacting the police, why does it not justify providing that conversation to law enforcement through the appropriate legal process?
And the Brazilian question: when data centers arrive in municipalities, who will ensure that a neighborhood association discussing water consumption does not enter the same system as a death threat?
Tech Gossip follows who is being watched and by whom, which is usually the information nobody publishes. Follow us at www.techgossip.com.br.
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